How the English-speaking peoples through their unwisdom, carelessness, and good nature, allowed the wicked to rearm.
That is the theme of The Gathering Storm the first volume of Winston Churchill’s monumental work, The Second World War. In this volume, Churchill discusses the inter-war period of 1919-1939 (roughly). In the first few chapters, he pinpoints what he believes were the “follies” of the Victors and follows the chain of events that led the world from the War to End all Wars to the greatest destruction mankind has ever inflicted upon itself. In some ways it eerily resembles current world affairs.
After the Treaty of Versailles, which ended the First World War, Germany had its military might gutted. Its standing army was limited to 100,000 men, it could have no air power, and its navy was severely restricted as well. To ensure that Germany did not overstep its bounds the League of Nations established the Inter-Allied Control Commission. However, Germany, intent on becoming a world power again, was successful in stretching or breaking the Treaty in “many covert and minor ways.” The Allies knew this, but the Control Commission was pulled out of Germany in January 1927 regardless. By the mid-1930’s Germany, under the bloody grip of Hitler, was openly violating all restrictions placed on its military, including the production of the foremost air force in the world.
Furthermore, there were disturbing political rumblings in Germany as well. It was cycling through elections at an alarming rate, the hopes of the country were pinned on a rapidly aging Field-Marshal von Hindenburg, internal strife and conflict were growing, and the economy was spinning out of control. Adolf Hitler, the “expression of the most virulent hatreds that have ever corroded the human breast,” rose from his lowly position as a failed artist and corporal in 1919 to Chancellor of Germany in 1933. Hitler made no attempts to hide what he believed and what he wanted for his Homeland. He
Meanwhile, the Victors of World War 1 made no attempt to control and subordinate Germany. Churchill constantly reminds the reader that they were given many moments in which they could have intervened and peacefully swayed Germany away from its warpath, but the victors were satisfied with inaction. The United States drew into its cocoon, brooding and struggling with its own economic peril. Russia was embroiled in revolutions. France watched the developing nightmare in Germany with fear but was powerless to do anything on its own. Britain had become enraptured in the ideal that the victors should be disarmed so that they would be of equal military power with the vanquished. In pursuance of this ideal they “steadfastly closed their eyes and ears to the disquieting symptoms in Europe.” During the Disarmament Conference of 1933, Britain put a great deal of pressure upon France to arrive at an “equality in arms” with Germany and largely succeeded. However, just as the final details were being worked out, Germany, under Hitler withdrew from the conference, intent on forging a new army despite any piece of paper it signed.
Churchill was highly critical of his country men at the time.
This was one of those awful periods which recur in our history, when the noble British nation seems to fall from its high estate, loses all trace of sense or purpose, and appears to cower from the menace of foreign peril, frothing pious platitudes while foemen forge their arms.
They had ignored the signs. They allowed the only international organ of power to be made irrelevant. And while an evil man girded up for war, they dismantled their own military might for the sake of equality. At the conclusion of the fifth chapter, Churchill has a scathing indictment of the British government that did nothing to prevent the coming bloodshed:
Delight in smooth-sounding platitudes, refusal to face unpleasant facts, desire for popularity and electoral success . . ., genuine love of peace and pathetic belief that love can be its sole foundation, . . . the strong and violent pacifism which at this time dominated the Labour-Socialist Party, the utter devotion of the Liberals to sentiment apart from reality . . . : all of these constituted a picture of British fatuity and fecklessness which, though devoid of guile, was not devoid of guilt, and, though free from wickedness or evil design, played a definite part in the unleashing upon the world of horrors and miseries which, even so far as they have unfolded, are already beyond comparison in human experience.
By drawing attention to this unfortunate period in world history, I am not meaning to say that we are on a direct course for World War Three. My point is that we should not be drawn into chronological snobbery and ignore the lessons of the past. The human condition and the advancement of civility is not so great as we are wont to believe. Evil men still gain power and they must be dealt with firmly and decisively. And sometimes diplomacy is ineffective in removing these men from power, especially when the international organs of power are reduced to irrelevancy. When it is apparent that words will be ineffective, non-aggressive and peace-loving nations must be prepared to combat bellicose nations that threaten the greater peace. I firmly believe it is only the strength of the good and their will to use that strength that preserves us from the domination by evil men.